Comparative Politics

B09(a) - Political Violence, Populism, and Authoritarianism

Date: Jun 4 | Time: 08:30am to 10:00am | Location:

Chair/Président/Présidente : Hari Jnawali (U Waterloo)

Unraveling the Radical Flank Effect: The Role of Moderate Organizations in the Face of Radical Flank Violence: Jacob Fortier (Northwestern University), Ana Arjona (Northwestern University)
Abstract: Why do moderate organizations sometimes benefit from or avoid the negative effects of radical flank violence, while in other cases, they suffer strategic setbacks due to such extremism? Scholars have diverged in their conclusions regarding the impact of radical flank actions on more moderate social movement organizations, a phenomenon known as the Radical Flank Effect (RFE). Some argue that radical elements within a movement can inadvertently boost the credibility and support for moderate groups by offering a contrast. Others believe that such radicalism can tarnish the movement's overall image as extremist, negatively impacting moderates. I propose that these varying conclusions stem partly from a lack of focus on the agency of moderate organizations within social movements in managing the extent to which the violence of radical groups harms their core interests. Examining the emergence of radical flank violence in the Quebec pro-independence movement during the 1960s and 1970s, this study investigates how and when moderates might enhance their distinction from radical elements and avoid detrimental associations. Relying on in-depth interviews with moderate leaders and archival research, the findings reveal that moderates can achieve this by publicly denouncing violence, avoiding interactions with radicals, and signal to state authorities intent to de-escalate the conflict.

Sexualized Power or Patriarchal Authority: Mapping the Variation of Authoritarian Masculinities: Shirley (Xinyi) Cai (McGill University), Juan Wang (McGill University)
Abstract: The scholarship has widely examined Vladimir Putin’s authoritarian masculine image since his third term, with the onset of the Russia-Ukraine war in 2014 and its escalation in 2022 further substantiating these analyses. However, there is relatively limited research on the masculinity of China’s authoritarian leaders, whose regime shares a similar communist past and autocratic governance with Russia. This paper aims to analyze the differences in the image of authoritarian masculinity and evaluates competing hypotheses that explain these variations. The paper first outlines the contours of these differences framed as Russian sexualized power versus Chinese patriarchal authority. This analysis examines the discursive differences in how Russian and Chinese state media construct the images of their current leaders as a form of propaganda, as well as the diverse forms of presentation in popular culture, including images, music, and plays. I argue that while the masculinity of the Russian leader centers on military dominance, chauvinism pride, and sexualized physical strength, the Chinese leader projects a more de-gendered image, akin to a wise patriarch wielding absolute authority within a harmonious family. Next, I propose and evaluate hypotheses explaining this difference, including Russia’s façade democracy, the taboo nature of sexuality in East Asian public discourse, and the varying degrees of personalization and institutionalization within each country’s autocracy. Unlike Russia, where the display of subjugation by other male figures—such as domestic politicians like Medvedev or leaders from other post-Soviet regions—and the desire of women for Putin are used to legitimize his rule and power, Chinese leader’s portrayal of masculinity emphasizes being in touch with the people and cultivating authority, a representation that only reinforces his power.

Unifier, influencer et monétiser la haine : les fonctions stratégiques de l’antiféminisme en ligne au sein de l’extrême droite.: Tristan Boursier (Université de Montréal), Antoine Lemor (Université de Montréal)
Abstract: Cette étude propose une typologie des fonctions stratégiques des discours antiféministes dans les productions d’influenceurs d’extrême droite en ligne. S’inscrivant à l’intersection des littératures sur l’extrême droite en ligne (Finlayson 2022) et la manosphère (Ging 2019), elle considère l’antiféminisme comme une stratégie métapolitique (Bures 2023) visant à transformer les idées et valeurs culturelles pour influencer, à terme, le champ politique. L’étude met en évidence quatre fonctions principales de l’antiféminisme dans ces discours : (1) Fonction fédératrice : l’antiféminisme agit comme un point de ralliement pour divers courants idéologiquement distincts, mais convergents, unifiant ainsi les acteurs sous une opposition commune aux valeurs féministes. (2) Fonction d’agenda : le discours antiféministe redéfinit le champ politique en naturalisant la binarité de genre et en cherchant à exclure les questions de genre du débat public. (3) Fonction économique : l’antiféminisme est monétisé par les influenceurs à travers divers produits et services, créant un équilibre entre extrémismes, qui attire une audience engagée, et modération, qui facilite la monétisation. (4) Fonction d’intersectionnalisation des haines : l’antiféminisme sert de base à un discours plus large, intégrant d’autres formes d’oppression, et justifiant l’inégalité comme une norme naturelle. L’analyse repose sur deux types d’analyse. Une analyse de réseau sur la base d’un corpus de plus de 20.000 vidéos, publiées entre 2015 et 2024 par 40 influenceurs francophones d’extrême droite, issus de France et du Québec. Une analyse de discours qualitative de vidéos (n= 50) réalisée à l’aide de Nvivo.