Local and Urban Politics

E17 - Democracy and Participation in Municipal Politics

Date: Jun 5 | Time: 10:15am to 11:45am | Location:

Chair/Président/Présidente : Livianna Tossutti (Brock University)

Discussant/Commentateur/Commentatrice : Audrey Brennan (Institut national de la recherche scientifique)

Discussant/Commentateur/Commentatrice : Livianna Tossutti (Brock University)

Anti-Indigenous Resentment and Opposition Towards Housing: Alex B. Rivard (Simon Fraser University), Edana Beauvais (Simon Fraser University), Eric Merkley (University of Toronto), Dominik Stecula (The Ohio State University)
Abstract: In December 2019, 87% of Squamish nation members – an Indigenous nation native to Vancouver – voted to approve the Sen̓áḵw. Located in the Kitsilano neighbourhood of Vancouver, Canada, the Sen̓áḵw is a mixed-development housing project of 6,000 mostly rental units across 11 towers built in association with Westbank, a private real estate developer. Objections to the Sen̓áḵw were immediate. That a prospective housing development has led to opposition is not surprising. Where this opposition might stem from both pecuniary (Fischel 2002 [2009]) and non-pecuniary motivations such as ideology, anti-developer sentiments, and preferences for single-family housing (Ansell et al. 2022; Freemark 2024; Handy et al. 2008; Lewis and Baldassare 2010; Marble and Nall 2021; Rivard et al. 2024; Trounstine 2023), opposition towards developments likewise reflects the path-dependent nature of land-use regulations, including the politics of white flight and suburbanization (Gray 2020; Kruse 2005), land-use restriction (Trounstine 2020), and the provision of public goods (Caro 1974; Trounstine 2016) and public policy (Kimble 2024). Interacting with the development generally are feelings of racial resentment. In Canada, racial resentment – or feelings of resentment/antipathy/racism towards a visible minority group – is best characterised by Canadian-born non-Indigenous peoples’ feelings towards Indigenous peoples. Indeed, Indigenous resentment has been shown to be an important predictor of policy attitudes in Canada (Beauvais 2022) and is associated with greater opposition toward government spending on policies that are deemed to benefit Indigenous peoples (Beauvais and Stolle 2022). Thus Indigenous-led housing developments possibly present a double threat to individuals where these projects might, on the one hand, trigger racial animus towards Indigenous peoples and, on the other hand, trigger NIMBY opposition to new developments more generally. We explore the intersection between anti-Indigenous resentment and housing provision through a pre-registered conjoint experiment. We ultimately find a significant--and substantial--relationship between opposition towards a hypothetical housing development and anti-Indigenous sentiment, further expanding our understanding of the role that racial resentment plays in policy provision, particularly housing.

The Electoral Weight of Expropriations and the Airport Project on Mirabel Municipal Elections (Qc, Canada): Flandrine Lusson (INRS), Sandra Breux (INRS)
Abstract: The political weight of significant events occurring at municipal level on residents' electoral choices and the electoral composition of municipalities has not been studied. Some authors speak of the influence of individuals' living environment (Walks 2004; 2006), others of the brand campaigns mobilized by municipal actors to defend values and specificities of the territory (Breux and Bherer 2010), others of the influence of individuals' residential choices on their electoral choices (Breux and Bédard 2014). On the other hand, when unexpected events occur that destabilize municipal political and administrative organization, such studies are almost non-existent. In this paper, the aim is to understand the electoral weight of expropriations and the Mirabel’s airport project on municipal elections and residents' electoral choices. Mirabel is a Quebec municipality created in 1971 following the merger of 14 parishes and pieces of municipalities to provide a coherent territory for the new Quebec international airport and the 97,000-acre expropriation perimeter created to accommodate the airport. Within this perimeter, which became the property of the federal government, 11,000 individuals were expropriated. In 1986, following a change of federal government, most of the land was ceded back to the municipality, which became the major administrator of the land it contained. In 2004, the international airport finally closed, and the site was transformed into an aeronautical industrial site. Despite these changes, the expropriations and the airport project continue to leave their mark on the territory. Based on a historical and longitudinal analysis of Mirabel's municipal electoral results and profiles since 1970, we will attempt to answer the following question: have Mirabel's expropriations and airport project had an impact on residents' electoral choices, their political participation and the municipality's electoral composition?

Democratic Malaise: Understanding the Challenges of Local Politics: Joanie Bouchard (Université de Sherbrooke), Emmanuel Choquette (Université de Sherbrooke)
Abstract: Canada's municipal landscape has been thrust into the spotlight following a surge in reports of discrimination and harassment targeting local elected officials, revealing challenges that threaten the very fabric of local democracy. At the same time, there has been a growing demand for increased transparency in political decision-making, with many cities spearheading initiatives to foster citizen consultation and participation. Nevertheless, these efforts have at time amplified the hurdles faced by municipal administrations by fuelling tensions and conflicts, thus further exposing the vulnerabilities of urban governance. This presentation delves into this dilemma by exploring the manifestations and potential remedies of this democratic malaise. To do so, we draw upon two complementary studies. The first, based on a survey of elected officials across the province of Quebec, provides a broad perspective on the challenges faced by those at the forefront of local politics. The second, which rests on interviews with citizens, administrators, and entrepreneurs, offers insights into the intricacies of implementing civic participation initiatives at the municipal level. By synthesizing these findings, we aim to paint a vivid picture of the state of local democracy in Quebec, serving as a microcosm for broader trends. Our analysis seeks to unravel the web of obstacles confronting local politicians and administrations, from the personal toll of public service to the necessity to foster the involvement of citizens in decision-taking. Central to our inquiry is the question of how cities can increase transparency and encourage civic engagement amidst rising societal tensions.

An Evaluation Guideline for Municipal Advisory Committees of Council: Wai Yin Chan (University of Guelph)
Abstract: Advisory Committees of Council (ACOCs) is a widespread public participation mechanism across Ontario municipalities in Canada, with the objectives to provide an institutionalized venue for residents to provide feedback on crucial policy topics to the City Council. However, most of the municipalities have not yet developed any evaluation mechanism or tool to assess its ACOCs outcomes, processes, members’ satisfaction, its representativeness and diversity and so on. Despite requiring a comparatively large institutional resource for its implementation, little academic research has examined its effectiveness on how it realizes governments’ commitment to genuine public engagement to inform decision making. ACOCS has a great potential to advance participatory governance by incorporating deliberative elements in the process without changing too much of its original design – members to meet and interact regularly throughout a few years to contribute diverse feedback and innovative ideas to municipal decision making. This paper offers an evaluation framework for assessing municipalities’ advisory committees. Through a systematic review of existing literature and analyzing the data collected from a project to create a Governance Framework for City of Guelph’s ACOCs, the proposed ACOCs evaluation framework could help us understand the success, challenges, limitations, and its potentials of advancing municipal participatory governance.

Le modèle canadien de démocratie municipale à l’épreuve des réformes urbaines du 20ième siècle: Guy Chiasson (Université du Québec en Outaouais), Mario Gauthier (Université du Québec en Outaouais), Anne Mévellec (Université d'Ottawa), Samuel Fournier (Université du Québec en Outaouais)
Abstract: Plusieurs recherches en sociologie politique portant sur le palier local ont soutenu l’idée que le Canada a un modèle de démocratie municipale particulier, marqué par une forte dépendance aux gouvernements provinciaux et une faible politisation. Depuis le début du 21ième siècle, ce « modèle municipal canadien » ou certaines de ses composantes distinctives seraient remis en question par les pratiques des grandes villes et même dans la législation provinciale encadrant les municipalités. Ces derniers travaux prennent le modèle de démocratie municipale canadien comme un acquis sans s’arrêter au travail de construction politique de ce modèle qui s’amorce à la fin du 19ième siècle et se poursuit au 20ième siècle. Dans cette communication, nous partirons de l’hypothèse de travail que les recherches issus de l’histoire urbaine sur les grandes villes canadiennes (Montréal, Toronto et Vancouver) permettent de mieux saisir les processus de construction du modèle de démocratie municipale canadien et ainsi de combler en partie cet angle mort de la sociologie politique municipale. Nous ciblerons les recherches des historiens urbains sur deux périodes charnières du 20ième siècle, soit la période des réformes urbaines du début du siècle et les années 1960 marquées par la rénovation urbaine et les mouvements citoyens de résistance urbaine. Ces deux périodes sont marquées par d’importantes reconfigurations des institutions politiques locales et des contours des pouvoirs urbain. Elles sont aussi des moments forts où le modèle de démocratie municipale canadien se (re)fait selon des lignes de force qui sont probablement en partie spécifiques aux villes en question. Le recours à ces histoires des villes permettra ainsi d’ajouter de la profondeur sur le caractère politique (et contesté) du modèle de démocratie vécu au Canada et les contextes urbains qui participent à la construction et la contestation de ce modèle.