Provincial and Territorial Politics in Canada and Beyond

J01 - Populism, regionalism and nationalism: Perspectives from Canada and Beyond

Date: Jun 3 | Time: 08:30am to 10:00am | Location:

Chair/Président/Présidente : Audrey Gagnon (University of Ottawa)

Co-Chair/Président/Présidente : Efe Peker (University of Ottawa)

Discussant/Commentateur/Commentatrice : Audrey Gagnon (University of Ottawa)

Discussant/Commentateur/Commentatrice : Efe Peker (University of Ottawa)

While studies on populism abound, focusing on the phenomenon in the United States, Europe and Latin America in particular, some cases, such as Canada, remain neglected. However, this lack of academic interest does not mean that there have never been populist parties and movements on the Canadian federal or provincial political scene. On the contrary, populist parties and movements have emerged throughout history and across the different regions of the country, sharing a fierce critique of corrupt political elites who would fail to listen to the voice of the people. These parties and movements have taken different forms from one region to another and have been located on both the left and right of the political spectrum. Indeed, populism is often described as having a chameleonic property, meaning that it can manifest itself in various forms and intersect with different ideologies such as neoliberalism, libertarianism, nativism, Marxism, socialism or any other ideology on the political spectrum. How does populism manifest itself in Canadian regions and provinces? This panel will discuss the various forms of populism in the country, while comparing them to cases elsewhere in the world. Particular attention will be paid to the relationship between populism and regionalism, as well as nationalism.

The Many Faces of Right-Wing Populism in Canada: Audrey Gagnon (University of Ottawa), Efe Peker (University of Ottawa)
Abstract: While populism has become an important political force in many liberal democracies, it is generally considered less dominant in partisan systems in Canada. Indeed, due to various “supply” and “demand” factors identified in the literature, the Canadian case is sometimes presented as an “exception” to the populist wave. Yet, over time and across its territory, Canada has seen the emergence of a number of populist political parties that claim to express popular discontent with elites. However, the populism expressed by these parties has taken different forms. How has populism manifested itself over time and across Canadian provinces? This study provides an overview of populist parties at the federal level and in the provinces of Alberta, Ontario, Quebec and New Brunswick, and examines their relationship with regionalism. For purposes of comparison, our demonstration focuses solely on populist parties on the right side of the political spectrum, as they have been more influential and visible in recent years. Indeed, the recent vitality of parties such as the People’s Party of Canada and the Quebec Conservative Party, and the rise of leaders such as Danielle Smith and Pierre Poilievre, have stimulated academic and public interest about the phenomenon of right-wing populism in the country. Our analysis shows that populism in Canada is mainly, but not exclusively, rooted in regional dynamics. More specifically, the form taken by the demands of populist parties in different Canadian regions is influenced by the concerns and sources of discontent specific to each region.

Populism and Nationalism: A Conceptual Discussion: André Lecours (University of Ottawa), Robert Schertzer (University of Toronto)
Abstract: Populism is widely recognized as one of the most significant political phenomena of the 21st century, and it has yielded considerable political science literature. Despite the importance of political science research on populism, there is a general recognition that the concept is polysemic and features multiple components. One of the components typically included in the conceptualisation of populism is nationalism. Yet, the exact role of nationalism within populism, or perhaps more accurately the nature of the relationship between nationalism and populism, is most often poorly specified. This paper offers a conceptual discussion of populism and nationalism, focusing on the role of nationalism in constituting contemporary movements that are typically described as populist. The main argument of the paper is that nationalism, in its majority form, provides a lot of the dynamics for what we most commonly term ‘populism,’ at least on the right of the ideological spectrum. Indeed, ‘majority nationalism,’ that is, the nationalism of majority or dominant groups within the state remains a mostly obfuscated and unnamed political force but one that involves the differentiation between insiders and outsiders, friends and enemies, both within and outside the state as well as the mobilization of symbols connected with the majority group. In other words, majority nationalism of a certain type, strongly grounded in historical and cultural features of the dominant group, is behind a lot of the politics that are typically associated with populism, at least on the right of the ideological spectrum. The paper offers a brief case study of Trumpism and the Make America Great movement in the United States as well as reflections on two left-wing populist parties/movements, La France insoumise and Podemos.

Populisme, droits et légalité : L'utilisation accélérée de la clause dérogatoire au Canada: Emily Laxer (York University’)
Abstract: La littérature sur le populisme regorge de mises en garde contre la menace qu'il fait peser sur la démocratie constitutionnelle. Selon plusieurs, cette menace découle de la méfiance du populisme à l'égard des principes pluralistes de gouvernance, à savoir la protection des droits des minorités et la répartition des pouvoirs entre l'exécutif, le législatif et le judiciaire. Il n'est donc pas étonnant que les stratégies et discours populistes soient utilisés pour contourner, réquisitionner ou démanteler les constitutions dans plusieurs sociétés démocratiques. Dans cet exposé, je tire des leçons sur la relation entre le populisme, les droits et la légalité à partir d'un cas peu étudié : le Canada. Jusqu'à récemment, le Canada était largement considéré comme imperméable à la vague populiste mondiale. Cependant, la littérature d’« exceptionnalisme » a été éclipsée par des rapports selon lesquels les partis et les mouvements déployant des discours et des stratégies populistes ont pris plus d'importance et de visibilité dans le sillage de la pandémie de COVID-19. Au niveau provincial, cela se manifeste notamment par les tentatives accélérées des gouvernements de déployer la clause dérogatoire pour faire passer des lois affectant les droits des minorités, la politique électorale et d'autres domaines. Sur la base d'une analyse des stratégies discursives qui sous-tendent ces mesures, ainsi que de leurs implications, je propose des conclusions sur l'impact des populismes émergents sur les droits et la légalité au Canada et au-delà.

Les manifestations du populisme et de l’(anti-)bilinguisme : une comparaison des campagnes électorales provinciales récentes: Stéphanie Chouinard (Collège militaire royal du Canada)
Abstract: Les universitaires parlent souvent du populisme de droite canadien comme d'une « idéologie mince » qui s'alignerait sur l'essence néolibérale de la politique conservatrice au sens large, ou qui émergerait autour de griefs régionaux contre les politiques et les projets nationaux, faisant fi de la xénophobie qu’on retrouve dans les discours populistes ailleurs dans le monde. Toutefois, historiquement, le bilinguisme et la reconnaissance de deux langues officielles, ainsi que la reconnaissance implicite ou explicite des communautés qui les représentent, ont été l’exception à cette règle. Les formes les plus virulentes de ce populisme de droite au Canada ont pris pied non à Ottawa, mais au niveau provincial. Dans cette optique, la série d’élections provinciales récentes (en Nouvelle-Écosse, au Nouveau-Brunswick, en Saskatchewan, en Colombie-Britannique, et bientôt en Ontario si les rumeurs s’avèrent) nous offrent une excellente opportunité de faire le point sur l’état de cette tendance. Cette communication examinera donc les promesses et discours des différents chefs de partis sur l’enjeu des langues officielles et des communautés de langue officielle en situation minoritaire et en fera l’analyse comparée afin de déterminer la présence et, le cas échéant, la teneur de l’élément anti-bilinguisme dans le populisme provincial actuel.